This article published on The Daily Star at November 8, 2014. I am rewriting this article in my blog for my personal collection.
SHORTLY before his death in 2008, the great historical sociologist Charles Tilly published Democracy, a short work synthesising his thoughts on democratic processes. Rereading Tilly and thinking about Bangladesh, I was wondering where Bangladesh is in the democratic scheme of things. There isn't much in our recent history that gives one a sense that we are well on the way to some oasis of democratic well-being. The legacy of a hard-won independence should have been steady progression not only in the economic growth that we are seeing courtesy of the resourcefulness of the Bangladeshi entrepreneur, but also toward a stable state with all of Tilly's elements -- breadth of participation, political equality, protection against state hegemony, and mutually binding consultations between state and citizens. Looking through Tilly's eyes, the state of democracy in Bangladesh is not well.
A few things seem to be detracting from our route to democracy, from recent elections that returned an absolute majority for the current government with half the seats uncontested, boycott by the opposition party, and unsurprisingly low voter turnout to the perception among many that there is a state machinery that works by intimidation and pervasive patronage system.
Citizens assume a right to protection of life, property and general well-being, which translates into having a police force that places trust as its prime operational principle -- a trust that the police will contain lawlessness, defend itself against political machinations, remain a bulwark against corruption, and provide institutional shelter against coercion and exploitation.
How far is that true? Judging from reports that place intimidation and exploitation right at the doorsteps of the Bangladesh Police, there is a fair way to go in re-establishing the spirit of moral and political independence that was so dramatically demonstrated in 1971's Rajarbagh defence. Police are seen by some as susceptible to corruption and political pressure at all levels of responsibility -- that may not change overnight, but democratic processes demand concerted efforts to contain corruption and political machination.
Does the Police Reform Programme (PRP) offer any hope? Despite the considerable funds that are going to Bangladesh Police coffers from donors, reforms continue to be much discussed, committees recommended ad infinitum, and reams of documents produced. Reform does not seem to be showing enough progress to build public confidence. The National Crime Prevention and Community Strategy points out that “Police services around the world must have effective relationships with those they serve.” And that is the heart of the matter. Bangladesh Police needs to work with communities to fully serve those to whom it must be accountable.
The Bangladesh Police has traditionally worked with blinkered perspective -- respond to crimes, find the criminals, and deliver to the justice system, however that works. Political influence ensures that the “criminals” also include the innocent who don't meet partisan loyalties. There is even a Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) that reportedly takes the approach even further in eliminating criminals and innocents alike.
This needs to change. Aside from providing resources to build a modern professional force, we need a far higher level of responsiveness between police and community. We need a measure of trust, social cohesion and institutional effectiveness that does away with seeking recourse from a political patronage network -- even refocusing Rab, which may be better suited to continue its counter-terrorism role than taking on crime in general. Some time ago, senior management of the PRP noted that “people perceive the police as agents of the party in power and not of the State.” Given the number of crime and violence -- incidents in which members of the current ruling party are alleged to have been involved, that perception remains -- a perception reinforced by such studies as that of the Asia Foundation, which in 2013 noted that there was no significant change in the perception that conflict, violence, insecurity and repression of civil liberties, including extra-judicial killings, still represented major issues for citizens.
The donors have stepped in with much-needed funds for police reform, reportedly over $16 million disbursed thus far.
Accountability is the other side of the coin in the trust construct. The Bangladesh Police is inherently authoritarian, and with the cautious blessings of the political state, sees itself immune from accountability to the community -- there is even greater lack of accountability in Rab. We have some 11 Model Thanas, refurbished now. How well do they do on the community responsiveness front? Not too well, it seems, as some of the “Models” have been accused of criminality themselves. A recent Dhaka University study says that “the level of users' satisfaction with police services is highly satisfactory … [and] … most police officers are probably not corrupt” (curiously, all the interviews were at the police stations).
Transparency International has reaffirmed its finding that law enforcement remains as a corrupt sector in Bangladesh's public administration. As we continue to provide sorely-needed resources to Bangladesh Police, we also need to establish accountability, create transparency, depoliticise the system, and instil a far greater sense of community in the institution. Integrity, public trust, community, and shared commitment -- those are the democratic elements that must be the driving goals for the PRP.
The writer is a former employee of Asian Development Bank.
